by Ramor Ryan
On
a recent night in Barcelona’s emblematic football stadium, Camp Nou, a clamor
began at minute 17.14, unrelated to the action on the pitch between FC
Barcelona and Athletico Bilbao. A wave of chanting began as most of the 70,000
fans broke out into a loud call for “In-de-pen-dèn-cia”, independence, in
Catalan. The chant was followed by rapturous clapping, joined by the visiting
Basque fans, many of whom also share the Catalan desire for secession from the
Spanish state. 1714 marks the year in which Catalonia lost its independence in
the War of the Spanish Succession.
High
up in the Executive’s box, guest of honor Carles Puigdemont, the new leader of
the pro-independence Catalan Parliament, acknowledged the cheering stadium with
a stately nod. On the north terrace, a large group of fans wearing shirts of
the distinctive red and yellow Catalan flag, chanted boisterously, expressing
their profound dislike for “Madrid.” Repeating a comment made by Puigdemont a
few days previous to the Spanish press, they too vowed to “chase the invaders
out of Catalonia.”
Building
a Catalan Republic
Catalan
nationalism is nothing new, but the recent upsurge is both surprising and
unprecedented. Catalonia, the northeastern region of Spain with 7.5 million
people and its own distinct language and culture, currently enjoys
constitutional autonomy with limited regional powers, invested in the Catalan
Parliament.
Last
September’s regional elections gave pro-independence parties a slim majority in
a vote that was billed as a plebiscite on independence. “Twenty years ago only
15 percent were for independence,” explains Antonio Baños, journalist and
deputy for the People's Unity Candidacies — Constituent Call (CUP). “And now
there are 48 percent of us in favor of the country's independence.”
The
anti-capitalist CUP is part of the governing separatist bloc, along with Junts
pel Si (Together for Yes), a coalition of the center-right CDC party and
left-wing ERC. Unlikely partners in government, the parties have little in
common except the aim to make Catalonia the latest new state of the European
Union.
“The
institutions we have,” explains Baños, “are the seeds of the Catalan republican
institutions. What we have now is formally a regional government, but we have
to think that it is already more than that.”
Early
in January, the Catalan Parliament swore in the conservative and former mayor
of the city of Girona, Puigdemont, as the new leader.
"We
begin an extremely important process, unparalleled in our recent history,”
announced Puigdemont, “to create the Catalonia that we want, to collectively
build a new country.” In order to implement the separatists’ declared “180-day
roadmap to independence,” he resolved that Catalonia would need to begin
negotiations with the Spanish state, the European Union, and the international
community.
Spain’s
Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, of the rightwing People’s Party (PP), has made
his government’s total opposition clear. “Nobody will break up Spain in any
way,” he responded. “Nobody is going to steal from Catalans their triple status
as Catalans, Spaniards and Europeans,” warning that his government and Spain’s
courts will strike down any Catalan decision that violates the Spanish
Constitution.
The
situation is leading toward a head-on collision between the Catalan Parliament
in Barcelona and the central government in Madrid, as the Catalan authorities
lay the groundwork for their own constitution and start building institutions
necessary for an independent state - such as a central bank, judicial system
and Catalan army.
A
Progressive Nationalism?
The
most obvious explanation for the recent upsurge in Catalan nationalism is the
economy. Spain’s financial crisis and
protracted recession has led to a long period of painful austerity. But as one
of Spain's richest and highly industrialised regions, Catalonia contributes
more to the national budget than it receives. Catalonia registered a higher
growth level (2.5 percent) in 2015 than the rest of Spain. Catalan independence
can easily be seen as a desire to decouple itself from its poorer neighbors,
and the dire Spanish economy.
It
is, of course, more complex than that. Sebastian Balfour, Professor Emeritus of
Contemporary Spanish Studies at the London School of Economics, points out that
“the main drivers are the economic crisis, the loss of legitimacy of Spanish
political institutions and elites, the attractions of identity politics, and
comparative grievances.”
Nor
is Catalan nationalism – unlike other nationalisms in Europe – characterized by
xenophobic or anti-migrant sentiments. Catalonia is considered the most
progressive, secular and inclusive region of Spain (typified by the election of
radical anti-capitalist activist Ada Colau as mayor of Barcelona) and thus
Catalan separatists assert progressive social policies. In the words of CDC
leader Josep Rull, an independent Catalonia will be “a home for everyone.”
History
is the key. The date 1714 venerated by the FC Barcelona fans commemorates the
defeat of Catalonia during the War of the Spanish Succession, and September 11
– the actual day of surrender – is the national day of Catalonia. A political
and cultural renaissance in the 19th century led eventually to the renewed
proclamation of a Catalan Republic in 1931. Subsequent negotiations with the
Spanish Republic led to a wide-reaching autonomy. General Franco’s fascist victory
in 1939, however, gave Catalonia its “second great defeat.” Franco’s forces
destroyed Catalan resistance, dismantled its autonomy, banned the native
language, and executed Catalonia’s President Lluís Companys.
More
than anything, the invasion of Franco’s fascist army consolidated the Catalan
feeling of being occupied by an outside force. The Franco regime’s subsequent
repression reinforced the sense of national oppression and unified the people
against a common enemy in Madrid. The Camp Nou stadium became a haven for
nationalism and FC Barcelona a symbol of Catalan resistance. Upon Franco’s
death in 1975, democracy returned to Spain and the Catalan parliamentary
institution, the Generalitat, was restored, accompanied by a strong renewal of
pro-independence sentiment. Mirroring the ferocious Basque struggle for
independence, resistance took an armed direction during the 1980s with the
activities of the small, militant Terra Lliure (Free Homeland) group. However,
the main thrust of the independentistas remained the effort to gain Catalan
national recognition through constitutional means, although implying civil
disobedience.
Each
subsequent separatist initiative has been swiftly put down by Madrid; a 2006
statute of autonomy – agreed by referendum in Catalonia and passed by the
Spanish Parliament – was thrown out by means of a controversial court ruling; a
September 2014 non-binding referendum with the participation of 42 percent of
the Catalan electorate giving a resounding 81 percent in favor of independence,
was deemed unconstitutional. Right up to the recent September 2015 elections –
considered a “de facto” referendum on independence from Spain, delivering 48
percent pro-independence, 11 percent for a constitutional referendum to let the
population decide, and 39 percent opposing. Spanish Prime Minister Mariano
Rajoy’s response was duly uncompromising: “National sovereignty will not be
broken and there will be no independence for Catalonia.”
Although
lacking a clear majority, the separatists claim the election as a victory for
the “sovereignty process.”
“The
mandate we have been given by the people is to create our own framework,” says
Puigdemont, “and our own framework is ours, not the one the Spanish
Constitution determines; it will be the one we create."
An
Alternative Vision
The
cause of Catalan independence is contested on two fronts: one with Madrid, and
the other within the Catalan camp. Internally, the pro-Catalan camp is an
uneasy alliance of conservatives, social democrats and leftists, of pro- and
anti-austerity parties – and then there is of course the approximately 35
percent in Catalonia who are opposed to independence.
There
is a another position, one assumed by the left-wing anti-capitalist Podemos, a
political newcomer to the Spanish scene that grew out of the recent mass
anti-austerity street manifestations. Winning over 20 percent of the vote in
the 2015 Spanish elections, Podemos has opened up a new space on the political
spectrum, fighting against the endemic corruption within the Spanish political
body and opposing austerity policies.
Podemos
has offered an alternative vision of Spain as a plurinational state, a “country
of countries,” to be refounded through democratic constituent processes and
negotiation among its different nationalities, including Basques and Catalans.
In the recent Catalan elections, Podemos’ local affiliate Podem united with the
radical anti-capitalist Barcelona en Com, a local platform that won the
Barcelona mayor’s office. The grouping – En Comú Podem – takes a conditional
stand on independence, supporting Catalonia’s “right to decide,” while
criticizing the conservative and austerity policies of the majority separatist
party, CDC.
Barcelona
Mayor Ada Colau of the Barcelona en Comú, for her part, stated: “This municipal
government will always side with the democratic decision of the people of this
city and of Catalonia, whether in these elections, in a referendum or in any
other democratic consultation.”
Catalonia’s
Historical Moment, or Business as Usual
The
path to independence is complex and fraught with difficulties. Many observers
doubt that the fragile and uneasy pro-Catalan alliance in Parliament will
survive long; others charge that the main separatist party, the CDC –
conservative and pro-business – will quickly buckle and settle for a new
fiscal/tax arrangement with Madrid. One thing is certain though – the Catalan
separatist movement has surprised everyone, even themselves it seems, to get
this far. It would be folly to underestimate the will toward Catalan
independence.
As
CUP leader Antonio Baños insists: “We want to change everything and have a
Catalan Republic … If we've come this far, this can't go wrong.”
*
*
From the football stadiums to the red and yellow flag bedecked balconies in working class neighborhoods, the clamor for independence is striking.
On a recent night in Barcelona’s emblematic football stadium, Camp Nou, a clamor began at minute 17.14, unrelated to the action on the pitch between FC Barcelona and Athletico Bilbao. A wave of chanting began as most of the 70,000 fans broke out into a loud call for “In-de-pen-dèn-cia”, independence, in Catalan. The chant was followed by rapturous clapping, joined by the visiting Basque fans, many of whom also share the Catalan desire for secession from the Spanish state. 1714 marks the year in which Catalonia lost its independence in the War of the Spanish Succession.
High up in the Executive’s box, guest of honor Carles Puigdemont, the new leader of the pro-independence Catalan Parliament, acknowledged the cheering stadium with a stately nod. On the north terrace, a large group of fans wearing shirts of the distinctive red and yellow Catalan flag, chanted boisterously, expressing their profound dislike for “Madrid.” Repeating a comment made by Puigdemont a few days previous to the Spanish press, they too vowed to “chase the invaders out of Catalonia.”
Building a Catalan Republic
Catalan nationalism is nothing new, but the recent upsurge is both surprising and unprecedented. Catalonia, the northeastern region of Spain with 7.5 million people and its own distinct language and culture, currently enjoys constitutional autonomy with limited regional powers, invested in the Catalan Parliament.
Last September’s regional elections gave pro-independence parties a slim majority in a vote that was billed as a plebiscite on independence. “Twenty years ago only 15 percent were for independence,” explains Antonio Baños, journalist and deputy for the People's Unity Candidacies — Constituent Call (CUP). “And now there are 48 percent of us in favor of the country's independence.”
The anti-capitalist CUP is part of the governing separatist bloc, along with Junts pel Si (Together for Yes), a coalition of the center-right CDC party and left-wing ERC. Unlikely partners in government, the parties have little in common except the aim to make Catalonia the latest new state of the European Union.
“The institutions we have,” explains Baños, “are the seeds of the Catalan republican institutions. What we have now is formally a regional government, but we have to think that it is already more than that.”
Early in January, the Catalan Parliament swore in the conservative and former mayor of the city of Girona, Puigdemont, as the new leader.
"We begin an extremely important process, unparalleled in our recent history,” announced Puigdemont, “to create the Catalonia that we want, to collectively build a new country.” In order to implement the separatists’ declared “180-day roadmap to independence,” he resolved that Catalonia would need to begin negotiations with the Spanish state, the European Union, and the international community.
Spain’s Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, of the rightwing People’s Party (PP), has made his government’s total opposition clear. “Nobody will break up Spain in any way,” he responded. “Nobody is going to steal from Catalans their triple status as Catalans, Spaniards and Europeans,” warning that his government and Spain’s courts will strike down any Catalan decision that violates the Spanish Constitution.
The situation is leading toward a head-on collision between the Catalan Parliament in Barcelona and the central government in Madrid, as the Catalan authorities lay the groundwork for their own constitution and start building institutions necessary for an independent state - such as a central bank, judicial system and Catalan army.
A Progressive Nationalism?
The most obvious explanation for the recent upsurge in Catalan nationalism is the economy. Spain’s financial crisis and protracted recession has led to a long period of painful austerity. But as one of Spain's richest and highly industrialised regions, Catalonia contributes more to the national budget than it receives. Catalonia registered a higher growth level (2.5 percent) in 2015 than the rest of Spain. Catalan independence can easily be seen as a desire to decouple itself from its poorer neighbors, and the dire Spanish economy.
It is, of course, more complex than that. Sebastian Balfour, Professor Emeritus of Contemporary Spanish Studies at the London School of Economics, points out that “the main drivers are the economic crisis, the loss of legitimacy of Spanish political institutions and elites, the attractions of identity politics, and comparative grievances.”
Catalonia is considered the most progressive, secular and inclusive region of Spain.
Nor is Catalan nationalism – unlike other nationalisms in Europe – characterized by xenophobic or anti-migrant sentiments. Catalonia is considered the most progressive, secular and inclusive region of Spain (typified by the election of radical anti-capitalist activist Ada Colau as mayor of Barcelona) and thus Catalan separatists assert progressive social policies. In the words of CDC leader Josep Rull, an independent Catalonia will be “a home for everyone.”
History is the key. The date 1714 venerated by the FC Barcelona fans commemorates the defeat of Catalonia during the War of the Spanish Succession, and September 11 – the actual day of surrender – is the national day of Catalonia. A political and cultural renaissance in the 19th century led eventually to the renewed proclamation of a Catalan Republic in 1931. Subsequent negotiations with the Spanish Republic led to a wide-reaching autonomy. General Franco’s fascist victory in 1939, however, gave Catalonia its “second great defeat.” Franco’s forces destroyed Catalan resistance, dismantled its autonomy, banned the native language, and executed Catalonia’s President Lluís Companys.
More than anything, the invasion of Franco’s fascist army consolidated the Catalan feeling of being occupied by an outside force. The Franco regime’s subsequent repression reinforced the sense of national oppression and unified the people against a common enemy in Madrid. The Camp Nou stadium became a haven for nationalism and FC Barcelona a symbol of Catalan resistance. Upon Franco’s death in 1975, democracy returned to Spain and the Catalan parliamentary institution, the Generalitat, was restored, accompanied by a strong renewal of pro-independence sentiment. Mirroring the ferocious Basque struggle for independence, resistance took an armed direction during the 1980s with the activities of the small, militant Terra Lliure (Free Homeland) group. However, the main thrust of the independentistas remained the effort to gain Catalan national recognition through constitutional means, although implying civil disobedience.
Each subsequent separatist initiative has been swiftly put down by Madrid; a 2006 statute of autonomy – agreed by referendum in Catalonia and passed by the Spanish Parliament – was thrown out by means of a controversial court ruling; a September 2014 non-binding referendum with the participation of 42 percent of the Catalan electorate giving a resounding 81 percent in favor of independence, was deemed unconstitutional. Right up to the recent September 2015 elections – considered a “de facto” referendum on independence from Spain, delivering 48 percent pro-independence, 11 percent for a constitutional referendum to let the population decide, and 39 percent opposing. Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy’s response was duly uncompromising: “National sovereignty will not be broken and there will be no independence for Catalonia.”
Although lacking a clear majority, the separatists claim the election as a victory for the “sovereignty process.”
“The mandate we have been given by the people is to create our own framework,” says Puigdemont, “and our own framework is ours, not the one the Spanish Constitution determines; it will be the one we create."
An Alternative Vision
The cause of Catalan independence is contested on two fronts: one with Madrid, and the other within the Catalan camp. Internally, the pro-Catalan camp is an uneasy alliance of conservatives, social democrats and leftists, of pro- and anti-austerity parties – and then there is of course the approximately 35 percent in Catalonia who are opposed to independence.
There is a another position, one assumed by the left-wing anti-capitalist Podemos, a political newcomer to the Spanish scene that grew out of the recent mass anti-austerity street manifestations. Winning over 20 percent of the vote in the 2015 Spanish elections, Podemos has opened up a new space on the political spectrum, fighting against the endemic corruption within the Spanish political body and opposing austerity policies.
Podemos has offered an alternative vision of Spain as a plurinational state, a “country of countries,” to be refounded through democratic constituent processes and negotiation among its different nationalities, including Basques and Catalans. In the recent Catalan elections, Podemos’ local affiliate Podem united with the radical anti-capitalist Barcelona en Com, a local platform that won the Barcelona mayor’s office. The grouping – En Comú Podem – takes a conditional stand on independence, supporting Catalonia’s “right to decide,” while criticizing the conservative and austerity policies of the majority separatist party, CDC.
Barcelona Mayor Ada Colau of the Barcelona en Comú, for her part, stated: “This municipal government will always side with the democratic decision of the people of this city and of Catalonia, whether in these elections, in a referendum or in any other democratic consultation.”
Catalonia’s Historical Moment, or Business as Usual
Citizens in Catalonia rally in the streets for independence. Photo: AFP
The clamor for independence is certainly the pulse of the region, from the football stadiums to the red and yellow flag bedecked balconies in every working class neighborhood. Such aspirations may seem archaic and quaint from the outside, but on the ground appear to be careering inexorably towards a dramatic collision with Madrid. If the separatists carry through on their proposals – the “180-day roadmap to Independence” – how tough will Madrid’s response be? As the situation intensifies, will resistance and repression increase accordingly?
The path to independence is complex and fraught with difficulties. Many observers doubt that the fragile and uneasy pro-Catalan alliance in Parliament will survive long; others charge that the main separatist party, the CDC – conservative and pro-business – will quickly buckle and settle for a new fiscal/tax arrangement with Madrid. One thing is certain though – the Catalan separatist movement has surprised everyone, even themselves it seems, to get this far. It would be folly to underestimate the will toward Catalan independence.
As CUP leader Antonio Baños insists: “We want to change everything and have a Catalan Republic … If we've come this far, this can't go wrong.”
Ramor Ryan is author of Zapatista Spring (AK Press 2011) and Clandestines: The Pirate Journals of an Irish Exile (AK Press 2006).
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